Capitalism (and at its extremes Neoliberalism as the most advanced phase of Imperialism) is by nature a project of exclusion, as pointed out in the following article from the magazine Region Latinoamericana de la Organizacion Mundial de las Personas con Discapacidad. This article seeks to provoke an urgently needed reflection on the voracity of the model which has irremediably resulted in what Viviane Forrester calls, "Economic Terror." We welcome you to this latest entry of Nothing Can Stop Us!
In our public consciousness, disability is not a theme with elicits much atention, nor does it have a group of influential lobbyists. Power evades us, although clearly this does not mean that we do not know of certain persons with disabilities whom, thanks to their merits, generate a certain amount of public interest. However, in collective terms, there exists only a burgeoning process to elevate our interests from the priority level of social problem to that of political problem.
In Latin America, there continues to be more conscientiousness towards reclaiming our rights. Along with this, we are made more aware of the cruelty of social exclusion. Following more than a decade of framework adjustments, such as the application a liberal model for the economic market, and the privatization and reduction of budgets, our governments have refused to take responsibility for their now scarce resources. In Peru, during the debate over the 1993 Fujimorist administration, the minister of public health insisted that the problem of persons with disabilities was the problem of their families...Amidst this, studies of international organizations financed by BID (Inter-American Development Bank), as expressed by Bernardo Kingsberg, indicate that as a result of the continental changes there are seven vulnerable groups. One of these vulnerable groups is persons with disability.
While for some macroeconomic policies have generated stability and growth, we cannot disregard the studies which indicate that in order to maintain our current standard of living, we must maintain precisely six percent of annual economic growth. Clearly implicit in this growth, which will be enjoyed by only a few, there will be many hidden exclusions, abandonments, and shameful inequalities.
In the midst of this process there is a conflict. On one side we have a few people who insist that we must ensure economic stability and growth through minimizing the role of the governments and allowing the market forces to regulate social norms. On the other side, we point out that this economic model only aggrevates inequalities, as the market forces will never give us security in terms of social justice, educational opportunity, nor employment opportunity. By definition, within the scheme of capitalism the inclusion of persons with disabilities is not possible.
The global tendencies in employment are an increasinglevel of qualifications required for job applicants and a decreasing quantity of jobs. Unemployment is generating large migrations. Within this context, how is it possible to speak of productive inclusion for persons with disabilities? We are facing a reality in which there is not enough employment for persons without disability. OIT recognizes an unemployment level in the PEA (Economically Active Population) with disability of approximately eighty percent. Without employment, one cannot have costly services such as private health care, education, etc.
In Peru, where 54 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, we see diverse groups, including our group, fighting to survive. It is apparent that in Latin America, poverty and exclusion characterize the social class of persons with disabilities.
In the struggle for social inclusion we are fighting for rehabilitation services, health care, and social security. We are also fighting for inclusive education, decent employment, and an adequate standard of living. In summary, this is a political fight; not merely for the recognition of our rights, but also for the power that permits us to exercise our rights.
This perspective is visible in the Carta de Paraguay (RLOMPD 2005), "the fight for the integration of persons with disabilities is tied to the fight against poverty and against the power structures which sustain a condition of social exclusion in diverse social groups of vulnerable people (paragraph 30)."
In order to fight more effectively, we need to achieve political solidarity and work with other sectors of excluded people. As we demand civic participation, we must distance ourselves from opportunistic politicians. We must refine our system of representation and clarify our requirements for leadership. We need to leave behind our homegrown ideas of disability, open our eyes to reality, and commit ourselves to transforming our homelands.
In light of this, our brothers and sisters to the north (persons with disabilities in more developed countries) there are principles which must be taken into account regarding the politics surrounding disability. As they say in Peru, " there is no 'independent living' without the satisfaction of the basics necessities of persons with disabilities." Thus, from an understanding of this reality in developing countries, we can affirm the "Beginning of Liberation." This can be the starting point in the politics surrounding disability. We must understand the individual and collective characteristics of persons with disabilities. We must note the manner in which recognition of their dignity relates to overcoming their complexes. We must also recognize their abilities and their limitations. We must finally understand that overcoming the culture of domination will determine whether they are socially excluded.
Having said this, we must note that some tecnocratas (professionals who believe in Free Market principles) who claim to work on disability issues do not want to familiarize themselves with the political dimension. They construct theorical projects which are supposedly in favor of persons with disabilities but rarely consider their instrumentation. Within this vision, they fulfill a paternalistic role which interferes with our process of integration. Prioritizing the civic participation of persons with disabilities is key to the process of social inclusion. Their leadership in a Movement of the Excluded in our native continent is urgently needed work.
In Latin America, the course of action is clear. Within a few years it will not appear at all strange to see elected representatives in the city government, state senate, and possibly even those in command of our nation. These elected officials will responsibly lead within their homelands and within the Movement of the Excluded.
In our public consciousness, disability is not a theme with elicits much atention, nor does it have a group of influential lobbyists. Power evades us, although clearly this does not mean that we do not know of certain persons with disabilities whom, thanks to their merits, generate a certain amount of public interest. However, in collective terms, there exists only a burgeoning process to elevate our interests from the priority level of social problem to that of political problem.
In Latin America, there continues to be more conscientiousness towards reclaiming our rights. Along with this, we are made more aware of the cruelty of social exclusion. Following more than a decade of framework adjustments, such as the application a liberal model for the economic market, and the privatization and reduction of budgets, our governments have refused to take responsibility for their now scarce resources. In Peru, during the debate over the 1993 Fujimorist administration, the minister of public health insisted that the problem of persons with disabilities was the problem of their families...Amidst this, studies of international organizations financed by BID (Inter-American Development Bank), as expressed by Bernardo Kingsberg, indicate that as a result of the continental changes there are seven vulnerable groups. One of these vulnerable groups is persons with disability.
While for some macroeconomic policies have generated stability and growth, we cannot disregard the studies which indicate that in order to maintain our current standard of living, we must maintain precisely six percent of annual economic growth. Clearly implicit in this growth, which will be enjoyed by only a few, there will be many hidden exclusions, abandonments, and shameful inequalities.
In the midst of this process there is a conflict. On one side we have a few people who insist that we must ensure economic stability and growth through minimizing the role of the governments and allowing the market forces to regulate social norms. On the other side, we point out that this economic model only aggrevates inequalities, as the market forces will never give us security in terms of social justice, educational opportunity, nor employment opportunity. By definition, within the scheme of capitalism the inclusion of persons with disabilities is not possible.
The global tendencies in employment are an increasinglevel of qualifications required for job applicants and a decreasing quantity of jobs. Unemployment is generating large migrations. Within this context, how is it possible to speak of productive inclusion for persons with disabilities? We are facing a reality in which there is not enough employment for persons without disability. OIT recognizes an unemployment level in the PEA (Economically Active Population) with disability of approximately eighty percent. Without employment, one cannot have costly services such as private health care, education, etc.
In Peru, where 54 percent of the population lives below the poverty line, we see diverse groups, including our group, fighting to survive. It is apparent that in Latin America, poverty and exclusion characterize the social class of persons with disabilities.
In the struggle for social inclusion we are fighting for rehabilitation services, health care, and social security. We are also fighting for inclusive education, decent employment, and an adequate standard of living. In summary, this is a political fight; not merely for the recognition of our rights, but also for the power that permits us to exercise our rights.
This perspective is visible in the Carta de Paraguay (RLOMPD 2005), "the fight for the integration of persons with disabilities is tied to the fight against poverty and against the power structures which sustain a condition of social exclusion in diverse social groups of vulnerable people (paragraph 30)."
In order to fight more effectively, we need to achieve political solidarity and work with other sectors of excluded people. As we demand civic participation, we must distance ourselves from opportunistic politicians. We must refine our system of representation and clarify our requirements for leadership. We need to leave behind our homegrown ideas of disability, open our eyes to reality, and commit ourselves to transforming our homelands.
In light of this, our brothers and sisters to the north (persons with disabilities in more developed countries) there are principles which must be taken into account regarding the politics surrounding disability. As they say in Peru, " there is no 'independent living' without the satisfaction of the basics necessities of persons with disabilities." Thus, from an understanding of this reality in developing countries, we can affirm the "Beginning of Liberation." This can be the starting point in the politics surrounding disability. We must understand the individual and collective characteristics of persons with disabilities. We must note the manner in which recognition of their dignity relates to overcoming their complexes. We must also recognize their abilities and their limitations. We must finally understand that overcoming the culture of domination will determine whether they are socially excluded.
Having said this, we must note that some tecnocratas (professionals who believe in Free Market principles) who claim to work on disability issues do not want to familiarize themselves with the political dimension. They construct theorical projects which are supposedly in favor of persons with disabilities but rarely consider their instrumentation. Within this vision, they fulfill a paternalistic role which interferes with our process of integration. Prioritizing the civic participation of persons with disabilities is key to the process of social inclusion. Their leadership in a Movement of the Excluded in our native continent is urgently needed work.
In Latin America, the course of action is clear. Within a few years it will not appear at all strange to see elected representatives in the city government, state senate, and possibly even those in command of our nation. These elected officials will responsibly lead within their homelands and within the Movement of the Excluded.
Originally published on http://wwwderechospcd.blogspot.com/ by Eduardo Garcia
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